论文代写：人权和伊斯兰教
这些权利的印象已经发展成为一个公认的和有影响力的代表性的概念，作为广泛接受了什么已被提及。权利是常用的尴尬或羞耻的政府的国际法案则呈现出较大的局限性，与他们交易的公民。最重要的是,在伊斯兰世界中,语言的权利被利用作为一个中间从当地政府的需求和表达异议的并没有什么不寻常的观察(查普曼,1996)。这已经发生,因为人权运动赢得了土著皈依者。
在穆斯林世界这是真的,某些情况下,尤其是对妇女权利的激进分子经常引用国际义务和标准以国家政府施加压力(努斯鲍姆,1997)。然而,已经有相当不同的动态在穆斯林国家除了范式存在的国际人权的个人的一些活动人士和本地化的选举和支持语言旨在阐明政治和社会的要求。
在过去的研究对人权和伊斯兰教,它是发现,仍有相当大的张力在人权和传统伊斯兰法律的规范性要求(穆萨利,2001)。这是真的,即使有积极参与国家像黎巴嫩、埃及和突尼斯的过程中许多人权内部文件的起草雄心勃勃的语言。
论文代写：人权和伊斯兰教
The impression of these rights has developed as a recognized and influential representative concept, as the extensive acceptance of what has been mentioned. The International Bill of Rights which is often used to embarrass or shame the government is showing a greater limitation while they deal with the citizens. Most importantly, in the case of Islamic world, the linguistic of the rights being utilized as an intermediate of making demand from the local government and of expressing dissent is nothing unusual to observe (Chapman, 1996). This has happened because of the human rights movements which has won indigenous converts.
In Muslim world this is true, for some instances, especially for the activists of women’s rights who cite international obligations and standards frequently so as to exert pressure on the national government (Nussbaum, 1997). However, there has been fairly a diverse dynamic which is existent in Muslim nations aside from the paradigms of international rights for the individuals by some activists and localized co-optation and support of the language aiming to articulate political and social demands.
In the studies conducted in the past with respect to human rights and Islam, it was observed that there remained a considerable tension amongst normative demands of human rights and traditional Islamic law (Moussalli, 2001). This is true even though there has been active participation in nations like Lebanon, Egypt and Tunisia in the process of drafting ambitious language of many internal human rights documents.
